A Deaniac's idealism collides with reality
Presidential candidate Howard Dean gave thousands of people a sense of the passion and possibilities of politics. Now, in the aftermath of his stunning fall, they are struggling to reconcile their renewed idealism with grim reality.
Richard Beinecke, chair of the public management department at
The two were
classmates at
That changed in
1965. Beinecke's stepfather owned a 20,000-acre ranch
near
It was not the
MTV version. Under a brutally hot sun, the two labored 11-hour days busting
rocks, fixing fences and digging ditches. Their fellow workers were refugees
from
The experience opened their eyes. "I saw a world that was totally different," Beinecke says, "and at that point committed myself to change." In interviews, Dean has said much the same thing, describing his time at the ranch as a "liberating summer."
After prep school, the two drifted off. Beinecke went into social work. Dean became a doctor and then, of course, turned to politics.
It was November
2002 when the two reconnected in
Beinecke saw the harsh lessons of the long-ago summer mirrored in the candidate's ethos. He became a believer. Scheduled for a sabbatical, he decided instead to split his free time, throwing himself into Dean's quest. "We knew it was a total long shot," he says, but Dean was captivating. He was principled, he cared about issues, he wanted to open up the Democratic Party and make it more inclusive. Beinecke had worked in many campaigns before, but in Dean he found something different, a quality that, for the first time in a long time, was genuinely inspiring.
"Dean changed politics," Beinecke says. He energized people - experienced hands like Beinecke who found their enthusiasm for politics rekindled, as well as college students who had never been involved before. And, of course, there was the Internet. Dean saw it as a way to organize and reach out; in the campaign it became a democratizing tool that gave all of the Deaniacs a chance to contribute, opine and vent. Unlike the top-down quality of traditional campaigns, Dean's effort genuinely relied on its supporters for advice and direction.
"We got our hopes up so high," Beinecke says.
And then they were dashed.
It isn't merely that Dean lost some primaries. Rather, it's how Dean lost.
The Howard Dean
that Beinecke knows doesn't fit with the public
perception of an angry, unhinged man. "He's passionate; he cares,"
says Beinecke. Yet, Beinecke
acknowledges, Dean contributed to the belief that he was a loose cannon. There
was the unrelentingly negative campaign against Richard Gephardt. The young
volunteers in the campaign, often badly trained, estranged voters with their
won't- take-no-for-an-answer pushiness. Anointed by the media as the inevitable
winner, Dean ran a campaign that became "arrogant." Dean's original
passion for issues, openness and the grassroots got
lost in the run-up to
Then, there was the money. Dean raised the extraordinary amount of $42 million. It came, at real sacrifice, from people like Beinecke. "On my income, on a professor's salary, it was a lot," he says. Suddenly, almost all of it was gone. "I was shocked." He heard the stories of padded payrolls and profligate spending. "It gets you angry."
Yet Beinecke knows the real Howard Dean and he remains a believer. "Maybe, just maybe, we can pull it off still," he says. Nevertheless, there is melancholy in his voice. "The enthusiasm is still there, but it's muted," he acknowledges.
And so he looks toward the future and the likelihood of someone else as the nominee. He worries about those who, brought into politics by the campaign, may now become alienated. Working for the Dean campaign, he says, "was akin to falling in love." And now their hearts are breaking.
Talk back to Tom Keane at TomKeane@TomKeane.com.