From an inflation-adjusted high of
$2.86 in 1981, the price of a
gallon of gasoline plummeted to a 50-year
low of just $1.23 in 1998. During that time, as documented by the Boston-based
think tank MassINC, people in Massachusetts started
to move ever farther away from one another and from their jobs. From 1980 to
2000, the number of the state's residents who commuted alone increased by 20
percent. Carpooling dropped from 19 percent to 9 percent. The average trip to
work rose from 21 minutes to 27. Gas-guzzling SUVs, the light truck disguised
as a car, became a suburban fixture.
Coincidence? Hardly. Those changes occurred despite
fresh memories of oil embargoes and energy crises. They occurred even though we
all knew that global warming and dependence on foreign oil were bad. They
occurred because of a fundamental truth: Price drives behavior.
And now, having seen gasoline and oil at new highs,
the oft-heard political prescription, from both sides of the partisan divide,
is to try somehow to ease the pain. Tap the Strategic Petroleum Reserve, the
government-controlled stockpile of crude oil. Reduce pump prices by cutting
highway taxes. Jaw-bone oil companies and gas station
operators. Dispense with environmental controls. Subsidize home heating costs.
All of those are exactly the wrong things to do. If we let markets work, the
energy problem will resolve itself. But if, albeit
with the best of intentions, government intervenes and tries artificially to
push prices down, today's problem will indeed become tomorrow's crisis.
The reasons come down to the fundamentals of economics - demand and supply.
When something gets more expensive, people use less of it. Even now, rising
energy prices are altering our behavior. One reads anecdotes of commuters
running cars on fryer grease or abandoning their vehicles for bicycles. More
commonly, we're doing little things, such as thinking harder about the trips we
take, turning down thermostats, or shutting off unused appliances.
Higher prices also affect some of our most important decisions: the kinds of
cars we buy, the size of our homes, and even where we choose to live. Thus, for
example, SUV sales are dropping while those of hybrids (which combine gas
engines with electric motors) are up. True, hybrids get better mileage than
their conventional counterparts, but they also cost
about $3,500 more. Run the numbers and - with gas at $1.25 a
gallon - it might take more than 12 years to pay back that price difference,
making hybrids an expensive sacrifice. But with gas at, say, $3, the
payback period drops to a more reasonable five years - which explains why
Consumption, though, is only half the equation.
The common alarmist refrain - that we're running out of energy - is untrue. But what is in short supply is cheap energy. At
higher prices, however, formerly uneconomic sources of oil become feasible.
Moreover, alternative energies - the solar, wind, and biomass dreams of Greens
everywhere - also start to make sense.
In
In short, the virtue of higher prices is that they create new solutions.
True, they impose burdens as well, something New Englanders will see with
discomfiting clarity as heating costs surge this winter. The answer to that,
perhaps, is direct aid to those most in need. But
pushing down energy prices? If your goals are shortages, excess consumption,
and continued dependence on foreign oil, by all means.
Otherwise, let 'em rise.